Session Prosody II:Prosody II: Intonational Phonology
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| Prosody II-1 |
THE FOOT AS THE DOMAIN OF TONAL ALIGNMENT OF INTONATIONAL PITCH ACCENTS
Sam Hellmuth, University of Potsdam Paper File |
| This paper presents evidence from an experimental investigation of the alignment properties of pre-nuclear rising pitch accents in Egyptian Arabic, across different syllable types (CV, CVV and CVC). In both CVC and CVV syllables, the H peak is aligned within the second mora of the syllable, but in CV syllables the H peak appears in the following (light) syllable. We argue that these generalizations support adoption of the (metrical) foot as the domain of tonal alignment of intonational pitch accents in Egyptian Arabic, and discuss this finding in the context of current debate regarding tonal alignment in intonation languages. | |
| Prosody II-2 |
LEVELS OF THE PROSODIC HIERARCHY IN ENGLISH
Molly Shilman, UCLA Linguistics Department Paper File |
| Many theories of the internal structure of prosodic systems—and of the mapping between syntax and phonology—predict that there can be no prosodic head without a corresponding prosodic phrase. The English post-lexical pitch accent has the characteristics of a prosodic head but is not associated with any known prosodic phrase. Based on our knowledge of the prosodic hierarchy of English, a phrase headed by pitch accent would be larger than a word and smaller than an Intermediate phrase. This paper reports evidence of such a phrase, i.e., accent domain. | |
| Prosody II-3 |
Evidence for tonal identity from peak scaling under pitch span variation
Martine Grice, IfL Phonetik, University of Cologne Stefan Baumann, IfL Phonetik, University of Cologne Nils Jagdfeld, IfL Phonetik, University of Cologne Paper File |
| In a reading task we investigate the scaling of pitch accents in neutral and lively speech in German. We first show that lively speech tends to increase the pitch span, raising the F0 targets for H tones but little affecting those for L tones. We then investigate the scaling of a tone whose identity is controversial: the second tone, X, of an early peak accent (H+X*). This pitch accent is employed on inferentially accessible referents and has been analysed as H+!H* as well as H+L*. Our finding that the F0 target for X is clearly raised in lively speech favours its analysis as a downstepped high tone in a H+!H* pitch accent. | |